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The forestry service continued to operate right up until the end of the Spanish colonial period though its effective- ness was hampered by a gradual reduction in the number of staff after Unfortunately, its historical legacy has suffered much from the fire of that destroyed its extensive library, forest maps, natural history collection, and the entire archives.

Nevertheless, the new u. Worcester extolled the myriad uses for the different types of timber and non-timber products and a flow of publica- tions detailing knowledge about the forest and the commercial usefulness of Philippine timber was a hallmark of the early decades of the American era Miller —; Schneider The period from to World War Two witnessed an enormous expansion of commercial logging around the archipelago with exports to markets in the usa, Japan, China and Europe Schneider To meet this demand, operations were modernized with logging engines and railways largely replacing axes and carabaos Collins Total annual lumber production rose from 94, to 2,, cubic metres between and A displaced and rapidly expanding population, moreover, sought new land to cul- tivate that was literally hacked out of the forest, with or without official consent.

This encroachment only accelerated after the establishment of internal self-rule in Severo et al. Again, the overall figures on forest cover do not properly reflect the magnitude of this loss. The Great Depression of the early s proved only a temporary respite. After a systematic bombing of Philippine defences, Japanese troops landed on 10 December, at several points on Luzon and rapidly overran the less well- equipped and much smaller American and Filipino forces.

However, timber production during the occupation was only a fraction of its pre-war level Sulit Many factors explain this 13 Fischer , 87—88, — ; Tamesis Food shortages led to an unregulated explosion of slash-and-burn agriculture and to the clearance of much woodland Severo et al. Moreover, intense fighting occurred in many forested areas, first in early and again as a result of the scorched earth policy practiced by the Japanese Army in the months following the American landing in October The sheer scale of the destruction and the random indiscriminateness of the dam- age inflicted on the forest separate the Japanese occupation from all previous wartime experiences in the Philippines.

In the decades following World War Two, the wholesale commercial exploitation of the forest began in earnest, especially during the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos — Broad and Cavanagh — Population increased from The decades following also saw the Philippines emerge as the major producer of tropical hardwoods in Southeast Asia for international markets.

National log exports peaked at a high of 8. After the restoration of constitutional government in , more progressive forest policies were introduced that included people-oriented social forestry programs. Provincial and local logging bans were instituted and forest reserves created.

Reforestation projects and spontaneous tree-planting contributed to a rise of 0. Since , too, there has been greater official understanding that conservation and refores- tation projects can only succeed with the direct involvement and participation of forest users. Community-based forestry management agreements that recog- nize local communities as forest managers are now acknowledged national strategy and, by , over 6,, hectares of forest lands were under some form of community forest management Lasco and Pulhin Still, it may David Henley and H.

Indeed, such statistics often lack robust- ness and illegal logging and forest clearance continue apace in many areas, often cloaked in the rhetoric of community empowerment and poverty allevia- tion Ploeg et al. By the end of the twentieth century, too, the Philippines had become a net importer of tropical hardwoods.

Climate, soil, fire and animals were significant factors not only in determining the nature and composition of the forest but also in influencing human decision-making. As a result, any historiography of the for- est needs to encompass an extended timespan that includes all these actors in its narrative. Seeing the forest as more than simply its constituent trees high- lights its real value not only as a resource but as an important stabilizing ele- ment in the environment.

Taking a more biocentric approach shows how forest history is more than a mere chronicle of human actions. The sheer scale of forest clearance since has dwarfed most other considerations, but people have always acted with and within a forest ecosystem. The full impact of fire and white ant has been synergistic with human agency, while the soil and even the climate are nowadays also the product of a close interaction with people. Forest his- toriography needs to reflect these complex and dynamic processes.

The Philippines are one of the most disaster-prone nations on earth with an average of 20 typhoons a year and an earthquake of varying magnitude occurring somewhere in the islands every day Bankoff A deep forestry approach appreciates this contribution and the signifi- cant part the forest plays in mitigating the potentially destructive power of natural forces in an increasingly less predictable world. Clarence-Smith Introduction: Tibetan Origins Horses leap out at the viewer from countless pictures and sculptures in Southeast Asia, and Peter Boomgaard has been a pioneer in developing their neglected history Boomgaard , a.

In contrast, mules, the sterile offspring of horse and donkey, are hidden from view. They came later, spread less, and were employed for more humble pursuits. As for donkeys, they have been almost absent from the region Clarence-Smith b. Horses are commonly assumed to have come from India and China. For the animals them- selves, however, archaeological analyses of equine bones are rare, and there are no dna surveys. Linguistic evidence is tricky, while iconic, epigraphic and docu- mentary records are sparse and fragmentary Blench ; Wade b.

Sifting through what evidence there is, Tibet appears to be the most likely origin of most Southeast Asian ponies, defined as horses measuring under 14 and a half hands 1. These ponies entered the region via Yunnan, at a time when it was independent of China. However, they probably came ultimately from the equine corridor of eastern Tibet, with its cool dry climate and natural pastures.

In contrast, grasslands in Southeast Asia and Yunnan were usually deliberately created and maintained by periodi- cally firing vegetation. They were certainly present by the first millennium bce Blench ; Bagley According 1 Boers ; Hoekstra —40 ; Charney In reality, the great rice-growing bowl of Sichuan proper is not a land of equids Gill , ; Davies , — Tibetan ponies probably diffused onto the limestone plateau of Yunnan, where archaeological evidence suggests that they were raised from the sixth century bce Wade b Dian bronzes from the independent state of the region, dating from around the second century bce onwards, show horses ridden without stirrups.

The later Nan Zhao king- dom continued to supply ponies to China from the late sixth century ce Backus , 30, However, ponies from the south-western marches were a significant resource, especially when the steppe turned hostile to the ruling dynasty in China.

Indeed, there were no ecological barriers, and a mosaic of Burmic, Tai, Austroasiatic, and Miao-Yao peoples lived on either side of the current border with China Backus In the ninth century ce, horse breeding was especially developed in what are today west- ern Yunnan and northern Burma Wade b—; Luce Archaeological evidence suggests that horses were being bred, and copied in figurines, on the Khorat Plateau of northeastern Thailand between bce 4 Peissel —83, —, , — Open savannahs provided rough grazing, extending over a discontinuous belt of plains and low plateaus from central Burma, to northeastern Thailand, Cambodia, and south-central Vietnam Fukui Local fodder crops, such as sorghum in central Burma, were also well adapted for horses Charney Trade with India and China is unlikely to have had much effect on the blood- lines of Southeast Asia.

For example, China obtained Yunnanese horses via northern Vietnam in the first millennium ce Yang — Even when horses moved the other way, they mainly consisted of a kind of Tibetan pony, as in the case of northeastern India. The hypothesis of a Tibetan origin for the great majority of horses in Mainland Southeast Asia is reinforced by morphological considerations. That said, dna tests would be necessary to resolve scientifically the question of how populations relate to one another.

The Mule Frontier The common small grey donkey, coming either from the steppe or from India, was ubiquitous in Tibet by the end of the nineteenth century, being raised by most farmers and herders Bell ; Legendre Tibet also had larger donkeys, however, some of which were sent to the Chinese court as a gift as early as ce.

Mules were reported to be present in Tibet shortly thereafter Schafer , In modern times, Tibetan riding mules were considerably larger than pack mules, reflecting the existence of large breeding donkeys, pos- sibly imported from North China. However, breeding hardly spread at all into Southeast Asia. Mules may have been employed in caravans by the sixth century Giersch —, — They certainly travelled on Tibetan routes in the eighth century Schafer By the late nineteenth century, mules dominated the booming caravan traf- fic, with an average of five or six mules to one pony A.

Forbes Most termini were river ports, although caravans followed the un-navigable Salween to the sea at Moulmein. The muleteers also shifted bulky goods to yaks on the edges of the high Tibetan Plateau A. Hill ; Forbes and Henley — Southeast Asian dependence on imports of mules from Yunnan and Tibet persisted Clarence-Smith b; Younghusband — Burma appeared as an exporter to British India and Malaya in colonial times, but these were re- exports of Tibetan and Yunnanese equids Courtellemont —, The reluctance of most Southeast Asians to engage in mule breeding them- selves remains to be explained.

The famous sculptures in the temple of Borobodur in south-central Java, which date from the eighth and ninth centuries ce, seem to portray real local 8 Forbes and Henley —31, 38, 53, 79 ; Wang , —, Some horses may already have been in Java in the seventh century, but the evidence is equivocal Knapen ; Burkill , I Epigraphic evidence shows that they were bred in Bali by the tenth century Lombard ; Atmodjo —32, Evidence from bones has them present in the island of Timor by about the fifteenth century.

Archaeologists have excavated no horse bones before the Spanish conquest of the Visayas in the late sixteenth century Nishimura Nor is there any evidence for their presence, there or in Luzon, in other sources. Sulawesi was a similar case. Abundant exports of ponies from the eastern archipelago contrast with the failure of Mainland Southeast Asia to become self-sufficient. In the early six- teenth century already, Bali, Lombok and Sumbawa were supplying Java with numerous horses Pires , I— The northern half of Sumatra was another exporter, albeit on a smaller scale.

There may have been horses here already in the third century ce, although the identification of place names is problematic Chakravarti By the twelfth century, Chinese texts suggest that exports had begun Chao Ju Kua ; Wade b There were limits to the penetration of horses into Maritime Southeast Asia, even after the Europeans had arrived, with ponies absent from certain appar- ently suitable uplands.

Most of the vast Borneo plateau was similarly void of horses, albeit with minor exceptions Moor Long-distance Maritime Imports and Exports A few horses were brought by sea over long distances, from the first millen- nium ce onwards, notably as gifts from Chinese emperors to loyal tributaries. Southeast Asian envoys to China in the seventh century specifically requested horses.

Although it is not clear whether such requests were always heeded, Champa received fairly regular presents of horses from Song emperors from the late tenth century Wade b—; Burkill , I However, exports of horses from China to Southeast Asia were tightly con- trolled. Moreover, horses could not easily be smuggled unnoticed onto a junk. The flow of horses went mainly in the opposite direction, as tribute to China. Vietnam and Yunnan were amongst such tributaries from early in the first mil- lennium ce.

After the Ming dynasty had seized power in , it faced the hos- tility of the steppe. Horses then came to China more regularly from all over Southeast Asia, in small numbers by sea, and in larger numbers overland Ptak ; Wade b, — India was also chronically short of horses, and thus sent no more than a trickle to Southeast Asia.

As early as the third century ce, horses from India may have reached the Straits of Melaka and Cambodia, although the destina- tion could equally have been Tamilnadu. Portuguese offi- cials, wishing to befriend Southeast Asian rulers, occasionally gave them fine horses, some of which were described as European Lombard — However, the Portuguese were more likely to donate Arabs and Persians, of which they shipped large numbers to India Loureiro The Spaniards hardly had a greater impact.

Very few horses came from New Spain, as it was so difficult to keep them alive crossing the vast Pacific Ocean Diaz-Trechuelo Ponies from China and Japan were more significant, as the Spaniards found ways of eluding prohibitions on exports. In any event, the standard Southeast Asian pony soon prevailed, possibly obtained from the Muslim foe in Mindanao and Sulu Bankoff a, The embryonic nature of mule breeding in the Philippines was perplexing, as the Spaniards transformed the economy of the Americas with these ani- mals.

They brought a few donkeys and mules from New Spain, but with no significant impact Diaz-Trechuelo China was more important as a source of donkeys and mules, but again with no apparent effect on local breed- ing Blair and Robertson —xvi, 90, A similar lack of donkeys and mules characterized the rest of Maritime Southeast Asia, even though a word for donkey was generally known Crawfurd Donkeys appeared occasionally in Indonesia, but as oddities.

They were reportedly in a royal procession of in Java, in the company of camels, perhaps imported to demonstrate royal power Robson , Taylor New Breeds in Southeast Asia to c. Western stock, whether from Europe or the Americas, was rare. Early modern Thai kings made sustained efforts to obtain Middle Eastern horses, and, failing that, horses from Java, but there is no indication that this led to self-reproducing new breeds Pombejra Less is known about Burma, Cambodia or Vietnam, but again, no new type of horse can be seen to have emerged.

In Maritime Southeast Asia, new breeds did appear, of which the largest was the Priangan Preanger horse of western Java. It emerged from the late seventeenth century, as a result of crossbreeding with Middle Eastern horses, a process that was actively encouraged by the Dutch from Boomgaard —, Moreover, the Priangan horses tended not to breed true Barwegen —47; Sibinga Mulder The Kedu horse of south-central Java was quite different, as it was the result of careful selection within local equine stocks by Javanese aristocrats from the early eighteenth century Boomgaard Though smaller than the Priangan horse, it was much better proportioned Cabaton ; Barwegen The most famous Maritime Southeast Asian breed was the Sandalwood, which probably emerged in early modern times.

There is no hard evidence to substantiate this view, however, and selective breeding may have been more important for its development.

Mounted units also made armies more mobile, and cavalrymen were a particularly formidable force on the battlefield before the rise of firearms. Even after the introduction of firearms, cavalry continued to play an important role in scouting, forag- ing, flanking, probing, and the pursuit of fugitives Boomgaard , a; Charney Ch.

The capital of Pagan, which flourished from the ninth to the thirteenth century ce, was in a dry area, with good access to horses. Of mentions of animals in Pagan inscriptions known to scholars around , 15 referred to horses Luce , — Place names further indicate that specialized horse breeding areas extended from the city of Pagan eastwards to Kyaukse Frasch Indeed, the uplands of the northern Pegu Yoma range, especially the slopes of mystical Mount Popa, long remained famous for raising legendary horses Scott and Hardiman —, II:2, Carvings show many horses, rid- den without stirrups, as well as elephants.

The confederation of Champa, in what is today central Vietnam, had few rice fields, but disposed of numerous horses, as well as elephants Wade b Champa may have bred the smallest horses in all of Southeast Asia, for Ma Huan declared them to be as small as donkeys Ma Huan Indeed, by the late eighteenth century, horses were running almost wild in the mountains of what is today south-central Vietnam Li and Reid The Vietnamese of the Red River, blessed with rice, horses and elephants, developed a precocious horse culture, based in part on easy access to Yunnanese horses Yang — China ruled this area from bce to ce, inte- grating it into a civilization where equids were part of daily life.

Vietnamese tombs of the Han era contain model farms, made of ceramics, with horses among the domestic stock K. Taylor ; K. Hall In the mid- ninth century, mountain chiefs from the fringes of the Yunnan Plateau bar- tered horses and cattle for lowland salt. When a senior Chinese official took control of salt producing villages and altered the terms of trade, the inhabit- ants called on Nan Zhao for redress. The relation between horses and centralized states may have been great- est in Java, where elephants were not present in the wild, though a few were imported by sea.

Capital cities were often moved to seaports, where the new weapons could most easily be imported. However, firearms also made horses more useful than elephants, as the latter presented easier targets and tended to panic in the din of battle Charney —, — The spread of new Abrahamic faiths may also have contributed to raising the profile of horses.

For Muslims, they were unquestionably noble beasts, whereas elephants had a somewhat troubled reputation, having been employed to attack the Prophet. Elephants were certainly part of Muslim royal courts and armies in South and Southeast Asia, but they tended to make way for horses over time Clarence-Smith c.

Taylor — ; K. Hall ; Wade b Colonial officers and officials, imbued with notions of Western scientific superiority, thus sought to transform the breeding of Southeast Asian horses, but they met with almost complete failure. Imported horses refused to eat local fodder, reproduced poorly, and died quickly, and their crossbred progeny suffered from similar defects. Moreover, they were subject to the dwarfing that occurs naturally among horses in tropical conditions Bankoff b—, — Although the French claimed more success in Indochina, this is open to doubt.

Over two generations, Syrian Arabs and Tunisian Barbs were crossed to produce horses that were three quarters local by blood, slightly larger, and allegedly retaining the endurance and resistance of local animals Teston and Percheron —, However, the British judgement was that French crossbreeding since the end of the nineteenth century had failed, including attempts with horses imported from Java and Burma Indo-China — Nor were efforts with Australian imports in neighbouring Thailand crowned with any greater success Thompson Cultural misunderstandings also occurred, for example in the Chin area of Burma.

Local people refused to have their mares serviced by a prize stallion provided free by the Frontier Force. Colonial efforts in the Malay world fared no better. The British in Penang mated Arab or Persian stallions with Sumatran mares around , but soon gave up these experiments Burkill The Dutch were scarred by the Java War, as the metropolitan government had decided to abolish cavalry and David Henley and H.

An initial shortage of horses nearly resulted in disaster for Dutch arms Heshusius — A pre-existing stud in Priangan was thus reactivated Payen Persians, Arabs and Sandalwoods were then crossbred with local mares throughout the nineteenth century, with Australian Walers added in the s. However, results were disappointing Barwegen — Indeed, attempts by officers and racing enthusiasts to breed large horses were criticized as a waste of money, which would have been better spent importing ponies from Nusa Tenggara.

Small horses were normal in the tropics, it was argued, and it was pointless to struggle against nature Sibinga Mulder — That said, private ini- tiatives on the part of Hadhrami Arab horse traders and local rajas seem to have been somewhat more effective than those undertaken by government studs.

These fine horses, bred in a semi-tropical climate, were sold from South Africa to Japan by the end of the nineteenth century. By , almost all the horses required for military, police, and parade duties in Southeast Asia were Walers, as well as those domi- nating race-tracks and polo grounds Yarwood Local ponies were left with the drudgery of transport work, and occasional participation in agricul- tural tasks.

Modern Western Colonialism and Mule Breeding Colonial powers were no more successful in enhancing mule breeding. The Dutch were the most refractory to the possibility, having no significant experi- ence of these hybrids at home, and only minor exposure to them in their Caribbean colonies. Despite the appearance of donkeys in Java in , as noted above, there are no indications that the Dutch ever thought of fostering the breeding of mules in Indonesia.

Iberians had the necessary skills and inclinations, and yet proved unable to act. A proposal to import Spanish mules for the armed forces of the Philippines, 20 Clarence-Smith ; Parimartha ; Patji ; Ormeling ; Hoekstra —46 ; Sibinga Mulder — ; Wielenga , 35— In that decade, John Foreman encountered a grand total of five donkeys in his peregri- nations around the Philippines Foreman The Portuguese, who shared a common mule culture with the Spaniards, never even seem to have tried to raise mules in East Timor.

Private companies sought to do likewise. They also imported many mules, to impose their rule in the mountains of northern Indochina, obtaining them from China, Algeria and France Teston and Percheron Despite their military reliance on these animals, notably to transport mountain guns, they did not develop the embryonic Vietnamese breeding sector in their colony. The British had little experience of mules at home, but they had built up some credentials in the Punjab in northwestern India, and had high hopes for Burma, after its final conquest in the s.

Persian jack male donkeys were therefore provided free for stud purposes in the southern Shan States of Burma. They were reportedly employed before to transport tin ore from an inland mine in Pahang, Malaya Ledesma et al.

An Indian mule battery, stationed in Singapore, mutinied in Dijk Such mules were almost certainly imported from China and India respectively. Cattle Co. While Buddhist contacts have received a little attention, material exchanges with Tibet, especially significant for Mainland Southeast Asia, remain largely unexplored. Conversely, historians have tended to overestimate the impact of horses brought by sea from outside Southeast Asia. These beasts were few in number, and left little genetic imprint.

Where successful new breeds appeared, they were mainly the result of selecting and managing existing animals, and not of crossbreeding with imported stock. Indeed, by the second half of the twentieth century, experts had come round to the view that importing foreign horses into the tropics, or artificial insemination from such sources, was an illusory method of ameliorating breeds.

The arrested development of mule breeding in Southeast Asia is a final topic that requires more attention, though it is always difficult to research a negative problem. Southeast Asia is not alone in this situation, for the same question could be asked of Japan and Korea, or indeed of Britain and northern Europe.

Cultural and religious prejudices against donkeys, and against hybridizing ani- mals of different species, may well hold the key to this puzzle Dent But the converse has also been true: the envi- ronment of the island — both climatic and geological — has shaped the lives of those who dwell there. Yet, possibly because of the relative geological quiescence of the twentieth century, many historians have tended to discount the role played by eruptions and earthquakes in shaping the early political and social history of the island.

Eighteenth-century central Java perceived the ash-rains and eruptions of the volcanoes Merapi and Prahu in the s and s as signs heralding collapse of the state Ricklefs The fifteenth century Pararaton lists eight eruptions and one major earthquake between and , most invested with significance in the world of men Phalgunadi These histories suggest that for centuries the Javanese had suffered periodic bouts of geological instability, and that throughout that time, supernatural agency was ascribed to them.

Investigating the geological upheavals of earlier periods is more difficult. No chronicles have survived from the first millennium, and the courtly kakawin 1 See the article by Anthony Reid in this volume. Archaeology and geology provide some clues to the geological stresses of the times, but few concerning their impact on the people living in close proximity to the volcanoes. Of the records produced in Java during later first millennium, the only survivors are inscrip- tions written on stone and metal, most of which were produced by the state of Mataram.

Since almost all of these inscriptions are either religious documents or tax charters, the information they provide is indirect.

Much, however, can be gleaned from the changing patterns of political and religious activity they record, and these changes suggest that the state of Mataram, and its people, were forced to cope with even greater geological disasters than were their suc- cessors.

The fact that the state survived says much for its resilience. Its wealth rested upon a combination of agricultural abundance and extensive trade Wisseman Christie , The number and size of its stone-built temple complexes, and the quantities of gold, silver and textiles that were transferred at ceremonies marking the benefice grants that were made for the support of these religious foundations attest to this wealth. Although Mataram survived for more than three centuries, it did not remain the same.

Over that period it first expanded rapidly; then met with disaster and contracted sharply, moving its centre several hundred kilometers to the east; and then re-stabilized for a time before finally breaking down. The state of Mataram was founded early in the eighth century, probably in the northern part of the Kedu plain of central Java between the volcanic Dieng massif and the volcanoes Merbabu and Merapi. Given the paucity of data, little can be said at this point about the earliest phase of the state.

However, 2 Gifts to the hundreds of witnesses attending a series of benefice ceremonies held in the s and s for the support of one temple, for instance, received almost 1. See Wisseman Christie — By the end of the eighth century the state had expanded to the south and east in central Java, encircling Merapi and Merbabu, to encompass the area around modern Yogyakarta and Prambanan Wisseman Christie — The first break in this series of stable reigns seems to have occurred in ce, and it initiated a century of intermittent political upheaval.

His tenure on the throne was contested, and his reign was relatively short. Rake Kayuwangi apparently oversaw a rapid expansion of the state to the east, taking control of the heartland of east Java by about ce.

Three rulers succeeded to the throne within less than two years, before the state descended into civil war Wisseman Christie — Finally, late in ce, the state was reunited when rake Wungkal Humalang took the throne.

Following his death in ce, rake Watukura dyah Balitung mounted the throne. However, the next ruler, who came to the throne in around ce, was displaced before the end of that year.

Although the state continued to exist for more than a cen- tury, it issued no inscriptions in central Java after ce. Something drastic appears to have happened to cause the state to abandon its established core region. The fact that no other political power seems to have filled the void in central Java suggests that the cataclysm was natural rather than man-made. The surviving inscriptions, and their changing contents and patterns of dis- tribution, provide an insight — though admittedly an oblique one — into the stresses, both man-made and geological, which helped to shape the political 3 This inscription provides a dated king list for part of this period Kusen —9; Wisseman Christie Evidence of Geological Stress As noted above, the challenges faced by Mataram between the mid-ninth and mid-tenth centuries were great enough to cause considerable — though episodic — political instability.

A major eruption, or series of eruptions, of Merapi, at the heart of the cen- tral Javanese portion of the state is the most probable cause of this turmoil, and physical evidence seems to confirm this suggestion.

These volcanic mud flows may also account for the large number of unrecovered hoards of small valuable objects — gold and silver currency, jewelry, military accoutrements, salvers and bowls, statues, ritual items and so forth — that have been found in the same region.

The most spectacular of these finds, the Wonoboyo treasure, appears to comprise the entire contents of the strong room of a branch of the royal family. Given difficulties in precision of geological dating, more recent studies have tended not to question that original dating Newhall et al. The sealed occupation layer at Borobudur is interrupted by three or four narrow bands of ash, indicating that there had been at least three separate, smaller episodes of volcanic activity in the later decades of occupation at the site Wisseman Christie Damage caused by accompanying earthquakes may explain not only the half-completed reliefs on the base of Borobudur — interrupted when the sagging monument was rapidly shored up by encasing the base with a broad, stabilizing foot — but also the fact that most of the other temples of central Java were apparently under continual repair and reconstruction until the point when most were seemingly abandoned.

The repeated shoring-up of temples suggests that problems caused by periodic earth tremors may have been significant. Considering the degree to which political instability in central Java during later centuries is known to have been provoked or exacerbated by eruptions of Merapi and accompanying earthquakes, it would not be surprising if a far more catastrophic series of volcanic eruptions and damaging earthquakes caused considerable turmoil during the later ninth and early tenth centuries.

A more detailed review of the inscriptions produced in central and east Java during this period provides some support for this supposition. The inscriptions also provide clues to the responses of the early Javanese to the geological dis- turbances of the times.

Religious Responses to Geological Stress Several important strands can be identified amongst the ideological responses of the early Javanese to periods of instability. The rulers who mounted the throne of Mataram immediately following, or within a few years of, periods of turmoil — and thus presumably facing problems of consolidating their hold on the throne — tended to issue large numbers of tax charters endowing religious foundations.

The nature of the religious foundations they endowed, however, changed over this time. The surviving inscriptions and religious structures suggest that, by the middle of the ninth century, religious activity supported by the state had already begun to shift from Buddhism — dominant in the lowlands during the later eighth and early ninth centuries — to forms of David Henley and H.

The general trend appears to have been away from the reli- gious eclecticism of earlier centuries, and towards religious syncretism. Particularly prominent amongst developments in religion at the state level was the increasing emphasis upon the veneration of ancestor spirits, and the linking of these spirits with Hindu deities.

During the Mataram period there appear to have been two classes of ancestor spirit: the primordial; and the proximate — those who had been prominent figures of the state during their lifetimes. The primordial ancestors were generally referred to as sang hyang holy spirits. The more proximate ancestors were normally addressed as dewata9 and identified as lumah lying at specified sanctuaries.

Ancestor kings played a 7 Wisseman Christie —22 ; Degroot In Old Javanese inscriptions, however, the term was used solely to designate figures of importance in the state who had achieved apotheosis after death Damais With this in mind, a reconsideration of the inscriptions may provide insight into the geological conditions under which the state of Mataram evolved.

Although he was a member of the royal family of some importance,10 his accession was not uncontested. Rake Kayuwangi, who succeeded to the throne in ce, both consolidated and expanded the state, taking control of the heartland of east Java by about ce Wisseman Christie — His twenty-year reign — from which over sixty inscriptions have survived — was not, however, without internal strains.

Since he had appeared prominently as a patron of the Buddhist temple Plaosan Lor in the s and s, he seems also to have changed religion. This is the earliest surviving reference in Javanese inscriptions to a deified ancestor king. From this point on, however, they multiplied rapidly.

This identifica- tion is given further weight by the contents of a series of six benefice charters, found in the area, that were issued by rake Kayuwangi and a close relation. This seems to have been the last very large temple complex to have been built in central Java. Overlapping in time with the endowments to Gunung Hyang, another series of endowments was undertaken by rake Kayuwangi and a second close relative.

This second reli- gious foundation appears to have been very different in nature from that of Gunung Hyang. The tower-temple at Kwak had become, by around ce, the pacandyan, or funerary temple, of the rake Wka, the member of the royal family who had co- sponsored the series of endowments with the king. In addition, the benefice supporting the funerary temple at Kwak owed flower offerings to the funerary temple at Pastika,19 thus preserving in death the hierarchical relations of the living.

The cohabitation — by Hindu gods and dewata — within the same sacred space is confirmed by another trend that is identifiable in charters issued after ce. This was the increasing prominence of the curse formula in ceremo- nies for the dedication of benefices. Although earlier charters had occasionally threatened those disturbing a benefice with Hell and various unspecified pun- ishments, imprecations had played a minor part in the records of early bene- fice ceremonies. It was an appeal that was to become more frequent in the inscriptions of succeeding decades, as the state entered a period of growing turbulence.

See note The first two are said to have been driven out of the palace, and the third to have fled. It is possible that this political turmoil coincided with one of the periods of volcanic activity indicated by the ash lay- ers at Borobudur. The charters indicate that one of his first acts upon mounting the throne was to endow a series of holy places on the Dieng plateau and other volcanic massifs connected with royal ancestor spirits. In addition, he endowed a series of holy water places and other sanctuaries that were associated both with vol- canoes and with ancestor shrines.

By ce, however, political unease appears to have returned. Balitung responded by moving the palace. The date equating to ce in this garbled late copy is an error Boechari — He endowed several other shrines associated with mountains, notably those on the slopes of the volcanoes Sumbing and Sundoro, devoted to the mountain spirits.

This list includes only those earlier kings judged to have been successes. The failures were not accorded guardian ancestor status, even if they achieved apotheosis after death. The sense of unease clearly continued in the state after the eruption of ce. In the following year Balitung was advised to revive the benefices of all the Buddhist foundations of the state in order to secure the stability of the throne.

One of these called upon spirits inside Mt. He, too, appealed to the ancestors. Although none of his successors followed his rather extreme example, ancestors remained a major theme in the inscriptions of succeeding kings.

Rake Layang dyah Tlodhong mounted to the throne in ce — again appar- ently unopposed. Yet he, too, felt the need to link himself to past rulers. Geological instability may explain why the next ruler, who came to the throne in around ce, was displaced before the end of that year. These two inscriptions were apparently the last to be issued in central Java. Although Wawa issued at least eight other charters during his two-year reign, all of these were in east Java.

This burst of grant issuing, and the shift of geo- graphical focus to east Java, may reflect not only the lure of the increasingly prosperous east Javanese ports, but also instability and uncertainty in central Java. Curse formulas again became prominent in the charters, even those issued in east Java — another sign of unease. They may have been paving the way for a shift of the palace to the east as the situation deteriorated in central Java. In fact, it appears that no inscriptions were issued in central Java by the state of Mataram after ce.

A catastrophe of some sort must have occurred there. And no other power is recorded as having moved into the heartland of central Java to replace the court following its shift to east Java. Since, as noted above, low-lying sites of this period lie under several layers of volcanic mud, it seems most likely that this catastrophe was caused by a major eruption — or series of eruptions — of Merapi, the vol- cano closest to the old heart of the state.

The loss of the old central Javanese heartland clearly cast its shadow over its early years. The fact that the state remained troubled through most of his reign may reflect not only the profundity of that loss, but continuing geological tur- bulence.

The dearth of charters issued by his immediate successors and the stable site of his final palace, however, suggest that a degree of internal peace had returned to both the state and its environment. This apparent political stability lasted for little over half a century, until the state suffered the next period of misfortune. Although Airlangga managed to reassemble the state, it broke down yet again in civil war following his death in about ce, and remained divided until the thirteenth century.

Volcanic activity, in particular, has influenced the politics of the island for centuries. A state, to survive, requires the security not only of stable institutions, but also of unifying ritual and myth — and Mataram survived for over years, at times in the face of considerable odds. Yet, although it apparently abandoned its origi- nal core region in central Java during the second quarter of the tenth century, the state continued to exist into the middle of the eleventh century Wisseman Christie The upheavals of the ninth and tenth centuries also produced a state foundation myth and ide- ology linked to venerated ancestors and volcanoes that persisted even longer.

The longer the time-depth considered, the more human history can be seen to be dependent on the benef- icence of the planet we inhabit. In our preoccupation with the rise, fall, suc- cesses and follies of states, especially of our own states, historians have often missed the larger vocation of seeking to understand the planet itself.

Here Peter Boomgaard blazed a crucial trail, showing what appropriately equipped histori- ans can do to write the history of the Southeast Asian environment as a crucial part of that of the planet.

The great majority of historians of Southeast Asia focus on the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and have little contact with those we call pre-historians, let alone seismologists, geologists, life scientists and climatologists. Past Neglect Since Sumatra has come to be understood as one of the most active and dangerous tectonic subduction zones in the world, with the most dramatically evident periodicity of mega-events Perkins But the historians and oth- ers who wrote about Sumatra in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries did little to prepare their readers for violent earthquakes, tsunamis, volcanic eruptions and climatic aberrations.

Authors such as C. Snouck Hurgronje, E. Kathirithamby-Wells, Freek Colombijn and myself virtually ignored natural events, though we have done a little better since Our politically-focussed histories look woefully inadequate to explain this pattern. The regularity of disasters on the subduction zones was reported first for California and Japan, while Sumatra was little noticed even by geologists until a seminal article by geophysicists Newcomb and McCann assem- bled the evidence pointing to its dangers in The scientists use the data of historians when they can, though in Southeast Asia we have not been par- ticularly helpful to them.

A comprehensive record began to be available for the whole planet only once the seismograph was invented around , and long after that descriptions of the effects of seismic movements on human Table 5. Java , 8. Sumatra 17 , V2 eruption Kelut, E. Java 7 several articles, and Jeffrey Hadler ch. Before our understand- ing is dependent firstly on the written records of observers, and increasingly on scientific investigation of the traces left by volcanic eruptions, earth- quakes and tsunamis on the ground.

The ring of fire around the Pacific where the periodic pattern should be clearest is for the most part deficient in his- torical records before , perhaps in part because of the pattern of periodic disasters. Only Japan has records back into the first millennium ce. These have preserved a pattern of earthquakes with attendant tsunamis in the Nankai subduction zone off Shikoku and southern Honshu as far back as , with the biggest ones in Kamakura — over 20, estimated killed , Genroku, over , perhaps killed, est.

Another huge one is therefore antici- pated in that region anytime, although it was not anticipated further north in Tohuku. The us National Geophysical Data Center records only 26 tsunamis known in Indonesia before , of which 20 were in the areas of immediate concern to the lucrative voc spice monopoly in Maluku in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Four large ones were reported at the European pepper-posts of Padang and Bengkulu in Sumatra, but none in Java where the endangered south coast was then of no interest to the Dutch. By contrast 29 have been recorded in the 22 years since , including 9 massive ones killing over people, two of them in Java.

Most of the others have been in underpopulated areas of the ring of fire such as Alaska or Kamchatka. Almost everything remains to be done in Indonesia. But in addition, the twentieth century in which adequate reporting really began appears to have been exceptionally quiet seismologically, while it was full of violence and upheaval politically. In the twentieth there were the usual frequent eruptions, including eight which have subsequently been ranked as vei 4 for their destructive capacity.

Further east, earthquakes of 8. Thirdly, before twentieth century changes in urbanization and building styles, Indonesians themselves were little affected by earthquakes, and appear to have avoided settling in large numbers on the coasts of Nias, west- ern Sumatra and southern Java which were exposed to tsunamis. The people of Nias, probably the most vulnerable to tsunamis of all complex Indonesian societies, spurned their coasts completely before sea-based Dutch infra- structure arrived in the second half of the nineteenth century.

They fished only in fresh-water rivers, and built their villages on hilltops where possible Gruber Mentawai islanders were also extremely tsunami-prone and built their villages well away from the coast Loeb , More research is needed to give a vei rating to any of these, all different from the four large ones vei 4 or above listed by the Smithsonian Boomgaard b In the more geologically active period of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries European settlers did treat earthquakes as a major problem for their buildings.

The Malay historical and literary texts most accessible to scholars have been of little help in reconstructing the record. Only since have scholars begun looking in other corners of oral and written Indonesian literature for more clues about past seismic events. Volcanic eruptions are more frequently noted in the chronicles of Java and Bali, though as omens rather than a source of destructive change. Although seismologists have hoped the Java specialists would find confirmation in them for the mega- eruptions that darkened the planet in and ce, the science has so far been more useful than the chronicles.

In addition to variations of gempa and gempa bumi, I did a search for lindu, a possibly older Javanese-derived term. This yielded occur- rences, all in a single Kitab Takbir Book of Omens. Drawing on some venerable Islamic traditions as well as pre-Islamic local ones, this used earthquakes as one of the many natu- ral phenomena to be exploited for an understanding of favourable and unfavourable times for action.

An interdisciplinary group recently found more convincing evidence for a mega-eruption in Lombok in , though reconciling the chronicle evidence with this is a task urgently awaiting attention Lavigne et al. This suggests there were major Aceh earthquakes leading up to the well-documented earth- quake and tsunami which destroyed many buildings in Padang and Bengkulu on 27 November An Acehnese scholar has collected four related manuscripts, hitherto ignored, devoted to the concept of tabir gempa, or the interpretation of earth- quakes.

Variously dated from the evening of 24 November until the 27th, this is the only major earthquake and tsunami of the late eigh- teenth or nineteenth century to occur in the Muslim month of Rajab ah ,8 and all four manuscripts stress the significance of that month. Clues to earlier events in the indigenous literature are even more sparse. In Barus, north of Sibolga, several different chronicle traditions tell the story of how Barus was recognized as independent of Aceh, perhaps also in the seventeenth century.

When the victorious sultan kicked the head of his vanquished rival in scorn, however, he was punished by God with a terrible 8 The following month, Shaban, would surely have been stressed by any later manuscripts, since both a moderate earthquake and tsunami, and the massive one of , occurred in that month as had the quake and tsunami that destroyed much of Padang.

Hence the Acehnese repented, and swore that the freedom of Barus would be forever respected by Aceh Chambert-Loir ; Drakard , In the Sumatran case, the Indian Ocean plate is advancing at about 65 millimetres a year, in the middle range of those around the world, a pressure that must be periodically released in earthquakes Heidarzadeh et al. Indonesia had, it now appears, been unusually devoid of major natural disasters for tears after a turbulent period in the nineteenth century which had included the eruption of Tambora in This was the biggest volcanic disaster anywhere of which history has records, assigned the maximum vei of 7, its ash emis- sions blamed for producing a year without summer in much of the northern hemisphere.

If such an event occurred tomorrow it would ground airplanes throughout the world, and create chaos for all of us. But Krakatau occurred before the age of modern measurement and record-keeping, and before the airplane. In the geologically calmer period between and the Indonesian population grew from about 25 million to million, and its urban predomi- nantly coastal population from little over a million to million.

The period of modern measurement of earthquakes through the seismograph from coincided with a period of misleading geological moderation, so that modern Indonesia could be built without serious consideration of the dangers it would 10 The largest volcanic threat to homo sapiens thus far appears also to have arisen in Indonesia, in the biggest eruption of them all 74, years ago which created Lake Toba in Sumatra.

Since the importance of colonial ports as hubs for each province has pushed the population to cluster dangerously on this nar- row plain. In a pre article I estimated the population in of the coastal plain of what is now the Province of West Sumatra had been only one tenth that of the uplands of the same province.

In the Batak areas further north present North Sumatra Province , the contrast was even greater, with about 40 times the population in the highlands as along the western coast Reid a— Hence the earthquake of September centred off the coast south of Padang caused a death toll of over with , homes destroyed and 1. The much bigger shocks of and , by contrast, had caused at most a handful of deaths.

In Java, similarly, the exposed southern coast was almost unpopulated until the nineteenth century, but the Dutch foundation of a major base at Cilacap in , and the subsequent location of an oil refinery there, have seen the population of the southern littoral grow to about two mil- lion today.

Table 5. The reversal has been dramatic since , chiefly because of the extraordinary death toll of the tsunami. Natural disasters outnumbered conflict deaths 17 to 1 in the first decade of the present century. Since Asia has joined the global downward trend for violent conflict deaths, which looks like being permanent. Natural disasters on the other hand have already caused more deaths in Indonesia in the first decade of the twenty-first than the whole of the twentieth century, and will certainly cause many more.

But science has also developed tech- niques of dating these seismic events at periods long before any historical record, though without, of course, the same exactness about dates or human consequences. The results from Japan have again led the way, notably for the subduction zone of Hokkaido, one of the more dramatic points at which the Pacific plate meets the Japanese island chain. A recent study of sand deposits 11 These first two columns earthquake and tsunami deaths are taken from Asian Disaster Reduction Center Data Book The remainder of the total is a conservative estimate of conflict deaths in the Darul Islam rebellions in Aceh, West Java and Sulawesi.

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